|
Pissaro Camille | 1830-1903 | [ Back | Photos ]
"Here, in a rare autobiographical
flashback at the end of a letter to
the painter, dealer, and collector
Eugène Murer, forty-eight-year-old
Camille Pissarro looked back in 1878
to the beginning of his artistic career,
when, at twenty-two, he left his native
Saint Thomas for Caracas. This letter
sets the tone for any interpretative
analysis of Pissarro's work by placing
special emphasis on a concept central
throughout Pissarro's correspondence:
freedom. It stresses the acts of self-liberation
and self-assertion which inaugurated
the young Pissarro's career as he
set off on that initial voyage, leaving
behind family ties, a secure income,
and a comfortable position as a clerk
in order to venture on a new life
as an artist. During his lifetime,
the grasp at freedom - asserting his
own position independent of accepted
rules - took several forms: he distanced
himself from the values and conventions
imposed by his bourgeois background;
when he reached Paris, in 1855, he
gradually and increasingly came to
resist the aesthetic dogmas conveyed
by the Académie des Beaux-Arts
and by the Salons, even though a few
of his works were initially accepted
for Salon exhibitions. From the 1870s
onwards, Pissarro professed passionate
disdain for the Salons and refused
to exhibit at them. Among the Impressionists,
only he and Degas persisted in their
unwavering defiance of the Salons:
they asserted their own beliefs with
an almost militant resolution. Degas
was, incidentally, the artist to whom
Pissarro referred the most often throughout
his correspondence: their intense
and mutual admiration was based on
a kinship of ethical as well as aesthetic
concerns.
"Pissarro remained attached to
several fundamental values during
his life; they are reflected to various
extents throughout his work. The letter
to Murer suggests some of the mainstays
of Pissarro's ethics as a painter:
a headstrong courage and tenacity
to undertake and sustain the career
of an artist stubbornly unmoved by
current fashions and market trends;
a lack of fear of the immediate repercussions
of such a choice - isolation from
his well-to-do family and an extremely
precarious financial situation, which
he faced until he was in his sixties;
a profound belief in the benefits
of what he called "enthusiasm"
and "ardor"; a confidence
that his love of work was strong enough
to bolster his morale and keep him
going; and an unshakable conviction
that he had made the right choice
("if I had to start all over
again, I would not hesitate to follow
the same path"). Pissarro remained
committed to these values, which in
turn later endowed "Père
Pissarro" with a known mark of
integrity that made others willingly
turn to him for advice. His pivotal
role in the formation and the preservation
of the Impressionist group illustrates
this. In fact, he was the only artist
who showed his work at all of the
eight Impressionist exhibitions, from
1874 to 1886.
"His unending search for freedom
or autonomy - which meant not so much
the capacity to do anything, but rather
the capacity to invent new rules and
to experiment with them - can be seen
readily throughout his work. From
his arrival in Paris in 1855 until
his death in 1903, Pissarro displayed
a profound and insatiable curiosity
about the work of his younger colleagues:
Paul Cezanne, with whom he worked
and shared ideas and methods intermittently
from 1872 to 1882; Paul Gauguin, who
was his pupil and close colleague
from 1879 to 1883; Paul Signac, Maximilien
Luce, and in particular, Georges Seurat,
with whom from 1886 to 1890, he shared
a short-lived interest in Neo-Impressionism.
Of course, Pissarro was also influenced
by the work of his two eldest sons,
Lucien and Georges, and a few years
before his death, Pissarro was providing
advice and guidance to two of his
sons' friends: Henri Matisse and Francis
Picabia.
"Pissarro was as determined
to strive for the freedom necessary
to conduct his own work as to keep
an open mind about the works of others,
to be a recipient and a beneficiary
of tolerance. Of course, this does
not in any way imply that he blindly
accepted anything that happened in
the contemporary art world: his severe
comments on Bonnard's work. for instance,
offer a strong case in point: 'Another
of these Symbolists who has just produced
a fiasco. All the painters who respect
themselves - Puvis, Degas, Renoir,
Monet, and your servant - are unanimous
in finding the exhibition of that
artist organized at Durand hideous.
That Symbolist goes by the name Bonnard.'
"Pissarro's attachment to freedom
extended into specifically technical
aspects. Not only is it impossible
to classify his style into neat chronological
categories, but furthermore, his style
often varies even within the same
painting: his brushwork techniques,
together with his compositional devices,
seldom follow a single formulaic pattern
within any given work. A comparison
of two paintings as different and
as far apart chronologically as Upper
Norwood, Crystal Palace London of
1870, and The Siesta, Eragny, done
nearly thirty years later, indicates
clearly the extent to which these
two works radically differ from each
other technically, chromatically,
and compositionally. More intriguing
is that each work in itself displays
at least four or five juxtaposed and
distinct techniques. The speckled
surface in the foreground of Upper
Norwood Crystal Palace, London and
its rather tight, agitated brushwork
are in stark contrast with the more
ample, serene swirls of paint that
make up the sky; these in turn are
offset by the smooth, homogeneous,
earthy blocks of paint that form the
sidewalks; all this, in turn, is heightened
by many regular touches of paint which,
in combination, suggest small, cubical
units of architecture in the central
part of the painting.
"Similar observations could
be made of The Siesta, Eragny, though
there again the range of techniques
used is considerably different. Here
a crust of thick layers of flecks
of paint (foliage) is intertwined
with an accumulation of long, thin
or thick threads of paint (haystack)
with a more or less rhythmical juxtaposition
of intermediate brushstrokes (foreground).
In short, Pissarro's use of a broad
repertoire of techniques is characteristic
both within single works and throughout
his career: each single work itself
went through different phases, acting
like a microcosm of his whole career.
"Pissarro's conception of painting
was in this sense analogous to his
conception of print making: his prints
and his paintings on the whole reveal
an amazing degree of curiosity and
of concern for new technical devices.
The artist with whom he most shared
this passionate technical audacity
was again Degas, whose methods he
studied and regularly mentioned in
his correspondence with his son Lucien,
with whom he collaborated on certain
prints in the late seventies. This
ongoing technical exploration not
only underscored his free, almost
playful approach to painting but also
elevated pictorial technique from
its traditionally ancillary role.
"In Salon or academic practice,
techniques do not call attention to
themselves. A technique well-mastered
should first serve to represent something
well; the better the representation,
the less noticeable the technique
should be. By heightening our awareness
of the welter of techniques he resorted
to, Pissarro did the precise reverse.
He thus also suggested that techniques
were plastic equivalents not necessarily
subservient to their representational
functions. Throughout Pissarro's work,
techniques acquired a certain autonomy.
"In his correspondence, Pissarro
consistently established a distinction
between what he called "literary
painting" and what he called
"a painter's painting."'
In the former group he would place
any work whose raison d'être
is external: whose function is narrative,
whose point is to tell a story - be
it literary, historical, sentimental,
social, mythological, or political.
Thus, he was opposed to painters such
as Louis Welden Hawkins, of whose
painting Pissarro wrote: 'His painting,
like that of many [otherl English
artists, is literary - which is not
a drawback - but it lacks something
on the painterly side; it is thin
and tough, and the values are weak;
however, it is intelligent, a little
Puvis de Chavannes-like: sentimental
and feminine ... but ... it is not
painting.'
"Among the other category -
the true painters, those who do do
painting - Pissarro would place the
Impressionists at large, and among
them, Degas and Cézanne in
particular. He viewed Cezanne's 1895
exhibition at Vollard's with wild
enthusiasm: 'I was thinking of Cezanne's
exhibition, where exquisite things
can be seen, still lifes of an irreproachable
finish, others very worked out and
yet left halfway; however, the latter
are even more beautiful than the others:
one can see landscapes, nudes, some
heads that are unfinished and yet
truly grandiose, and it is so painterly,
so supple.' So one might ask, What
stands in the way of a painting's
becoming a true painting - or a painter's
painting? Referring specifically to
Puvis de Chavannes again, Pissarro
answered: 'It was not made to be seen
as a picture.' It may look astonishing
when presented in the right environment,
'but it is not painting'.
"To the parallel question, What
makes a true painter? Pissarro would
answer that a true painter is very
seldom found: he is one who can put
two tones of color in harmony. In
other words, Pissarro defines the
nature of true painting in specifically
visual terms.
"With painting liberated from
its traditional hierarchy of subjects,
Pissarro's work could draw upon a
wide choice of subjects, themes, and
motifs - the diversity of which escapes
conventional categories. Throughout
his career, exotic landscapes and
indigenous figures are painted just
before views of Montmartre or of the
outskirts of Paris; riverscapes appear
next to kitchen-garden landscapes
in Pontoise, or Louveciennes and are
succeeded by winter scenes in London.
Twenty years later, views of London
parks interrupt the continuum created
by his series of Paris boulevards
or avenues his London bridges announce,
in part, and collide with, his series
of Rouen bridges. All of these look
very different from his quiet and
almost subdued, solitary, asocial
Eragny landscapes, or from his intimate
and seldom-seen family portraits,
or from his exquisite still lifes
- all of which were executed within
the last decade of his life. Bare
landscapes are offset by bustling
market scenes, with milling crowds
deeply engaged in socializing and
commerce. All of this again seems
to have little to do with his monumental
single or dual figure paintings of
the 1880s.
"Though in different ways, his
biography also stresses the importance
of freedom in Pissarro's life. Born
on July 10, 1830, he was brought up
in Saint Thomas, which was, at the
time, a possession of the Danish crown.
The island became a privileged independent
trading zone after the King of Denmark
made it a 'free port' in 1764.
"Pissarro was a descendant of
a family from Braganza, a Portuguese
medieval fortified city near the Spanish
border. The family were Marranos -
Sephardic Jews who had been prohibited
to practice their own creed and forced
to convert to Christianity or suffer
at the hands of the Inquisition. Pissarro's
parents, Frederic and Rachel, had
married away from the synagogue. Pissarro's
father had come from France to Saint
Thomas in 1824 to serve as the executor
of his late uncle's will and to help
the widow sort out the affairs of
the estate. Frederic's liaison with
Rachel, his uncle's widow, resulted
in their expecting a child, and they
soon announced their intention to
marry. However, the elders of the
synagogue refused to acknowledge the
wedding, which in some ways contravened
Jewish religious tenets; it was not
until 1833, eight years later, that
the synagogue agreed to recognize
the marriage officially.
"After his death, in 1865, Frederic's
will revealed that he had left a bequest
of an unusual kind - a sum to be shared
equally between the synagogue and
the Protestant church in Saint Thomas.
This unorthodox bequest may simply
have stemmed from a survival of the
Marranos' ambiguous religious position:
a foot in the church and a foot in
the synagogue, or it may have been
a reflection of Frederic's annoyance
at the Elders for having refused at
first to legitimize his marriage.
It was in Braganza, where Pissarro's
forefathers had originated, that,
in the eighteenth century, one of
his ancestors was awarded the knighthood
of the Order of Christ and the Pope
himself granted him the special and
rare privilege of building his own
chapel there.
"The duality in religious allegiances
was clearly still alive with Pissarro's
father and may have generated in the
son's mind a strong sense of not wanting
to belong to either. Camille, who
later married a Catholic-born woman
in a civil wedding, always professed
a strong atheism, defining himself
as a freethinker. In the 1880s, he
became a fervent adept of the libertarian
anarchism preached by Pierre-Joseph
Proudhon (although he had earlier
in life professed more conservative
views).
"Yet what appears particularly
clear-cut about Pissarro is that he
was able to act both as a painter
and as a political or social thinker
without mixing or confusing the two
fields: his art cannot be seen as
in illustration of a political thesis
- he does not use his colors and paints
to depict a set of anarchistic 'ideas'
or 'ideals' - and his political positions
were certainly not solely dependent
on his own interests as a painter.
His art raises our awareness of the
fact that a painting need not carry
a revolutionary message in order to
perform a revolutionary function.
To depict the miseries and sufferings
of the toiling masses or of the peasantry
could indeed be seen as a fine and
noble task: Pissarro knew, however,
that these images did nothing to relieve
oppression. He viewed commentaries
which read illustrations of class
opposition or visual commentaries
of sociological treatises into his
work as prototypes of reactionary
thinking. Even if the narratives are
of a sociological order rather than
a religious or mythological one, the
thinking process is identical. A recent
trend of interpretations puts the
image, or the 'message' before or
above the action of painting. Its
practitioners continue to envisage
painting as 'literary,' with a pointed
meaning - be it social or otherwise
- and the action of painting as consequently
subservient to the message or thesis
to be understood. It has been my choice
in this book to consider these questions
through Pissarro's own thouqhts; his
letters have been a principal source
of analysis. There one finds that
his reflections, pictorial and epistolary,
are rivetingly alive and that their
dynamics consistently escape the grasp
of any preconceived monolithic 'meaning'.
"Pissarro's radicalism is commensurate
with the extent to which he subverted
this traditional order of things;
within his art, what grants signification
to a painting is not so much its "meaning"
as its "praxis," the fact
that before anything, it was painted
as a painting, not as a literary painting.
That is one reason that he rejected
first and foremost sentimentality
in art: 'In my opinion, the art that
is the most corrupt is sentimental
art.' He also rebelled against anything
that stands in the way of 'art - and
art seen through our sensations.'
The kinds of art that involves are
many: religious, social, mythological,
historical art - i.e., art with a
narrative, art based on hypocrisy,
on pretense, on careerism, or on false
motives: he rejected any art that
goes against the artist's sensations.
"Sensation here evokes the intimate
subjectivity of the artist's vision,
or to put it otherwise, what is irreducibly
idiosyncratic in his way of looking
at things. Pissarro's pictorial reflection
was a complex, self-questioning, recurrent,
disparate, often paradoxical process.
The chapters of this study tend to
follow a broadly chronological progression,
and in turn, the places where he lived
- Caracas, Paris, Pontoise, London,
Louveciennes, and Pontoise again -
put their mark upon his work.
"From 1882 onwards, after he
left Pontoise, he essentially lived
in the same village, Eragny, creating
there the largest bulk of his work
and, paradoxically, the work least
often seen or reproduced. He also
made increasingly frequent visits
to Paris, where he generated a new
interest in urban pictorial imagery
in his series of cityscapes. Throughout
the 1880s, he also developed a keen,
though not exclusionary interest in
figures, set in isolation or in groups.
"Pissarro's art, it is essential
to remember, escapes neat categorization
or chronologies. The market theme,
for instance, archetypical of his
later years, was first developed in
Caracas; his earliest view of Pontoise,
Banks of the Oise in Pontoise, was
executed while he lived in Louveciennes;
his first major figure paintings were
created, not in the 1880s, but in
Paris, shortly after his arrival from
the West Indies, Woman Carrying a
Pitcher on Her Head, Saint Thomas,
and then in Pontoise, La Bonne in
the late sixties. In the midst of
his intense Neo-Impressionist phase,
Pissarro nonetheless executed market
scenes, such as The Market at Gisors
or Le Marché de Pontoise, which
display almost nothing of the dot-to-dot
fragmented application of color or
of other technical aspects of his
Neo-Impressionism. Neither the successive
places where he lived, nor the successive
technical periods that traditionally
divide his work can satisfactorily
explain, or exhaustively encompass,
his oeuvre.
"Essentially complex, his work
made use of a phenomenal imagination,
an unusually rich, innovative visual
mind, a vast curiosity about techniques
of all sorts, a profound poetic sensitivity,
and an unquenchable passion for painting,
as well as a strongly defined set
of intellectual positions."
Text from "Camille Pissarro",
by Joachim Pissarro
|
 |
 |
| Pissaro Camille |
| |
| View of l'Hermitage, Jallais hills, Pontoise |
| |
| L'hermitage |
| |
| Lordship lane station |
| |
| The road to Louveciennes |
| |
| The orchard |
| |
| Hoarfrost |
| |
|